We Were Right About Black Power. But We Argued With the Wrong Words.
By Langston Price | Black Source Media Politics & Opinion
- Louisiana lawmakers passed a new congressional map under SB121/Act 2. Gov. Jeff Landry signed it. The result leaves Louisiana with only one clear majority-Black congressional district in a state where Black residents make up roughly one-third of the population.
- That is wrong. But the harder truth is this: many Black citizens who showed up at the Legislature argued with the wrong legal language.
- After Louisiana v. Callais, the Supreme Court has made the race-based proportionality argument legally dangerous. The next fight requires a new strategy.
- Black voters must protect the remaining Black district, identify the next best coalition district, build power with progressive whites and aligned voters, and stop walking into hearings with arguments the other side already knows how to defeat.
- Louisiana has six congressional districts and a Black population near one-third of the state.
- The new map — SB121/Act 2, signed by Gov. Landry — leaves only one clear majority-Black congressional district.
- White legislators went to great lengths to say race was not the reason. They called it partisan, not racial.
- That distinction now matters because of Louisiana v. Callais — and Republicans knew it.
- Many Black citizens testified that 33% Black population should mean two Black districts. That argument is morally powerful but legally vulnerable after Callais.
- Sen. Jay Morris and other Republicans used the Supreme Court ruling as legal cover. It worked.
- Black voters need new language: communities of interest, coalition districts, fairness, compactness, parish ties, and shared economic needs.
- The next move is not just outrage. It is math, organizing, coalition-building, litigation, and candidate recruitment — running simultaneously.
The Painful Lesson From Baton Rouge
Black people showed up in Baton Rouge. That should not be ignored.
They drove from New Orleans, from the River Parishes, from north Louisiana, from all over this state. They sat through hearings. They waited late into the night. They spoke with conviction. They defended Black political power in a state that has spent generations trying to shrink it.
That mattered. But showing up is not the same thing as winning.
The painful lesson from the recent Senate committee hearings is that too many Black citizens made a morally correct argument with legally outdated language. Again and again, people told legislators that Louisiana is roughly 33% Black and therefore should have two Black congressional districts.
In a normal democracy, that argument should land. In a state with six congressional districts, one-third Black population should mean real Black political opportunity in more than one seat.
However, we are not operating in a normal democracy. We are operating under the Supreme Court we actually have. And after Louisiana v. Callais, simply demanding a second Black district because Black people make up one-third of the state gives the other side exactly what it wants — it lets them say race is driving the map. That is the trap.
The Legislature Knew the Trap
Sen. Jay Morris and the other Republican senators understood the assignment. They did not need to shout. They did not need to say much of the quiet part out loud. The Supreme Court had already handed them the script.
They could sit through hours of testimony and hear Black citizens say, “We deserve two Black districts because we are 33% of the population.” Then they could respond with a smile wrapped in legal language. They could say the Supreme Court just told Louisiana it cannot draw districts that way. They could say race cannot predominate. They could say the old map was unconstitutional. They could say the new map is about party, not race.
Black citizens were arguing from justice. Republican senators were arguing from the new rulebook. The public brought moral clarity. The Legislature brought legal cover. The cover was cynical. But it was effective.
Race Was Everywhere, Even When They Said It Was Not
Let’s not pretend the Legislature suddenly forgot race exists.
White legislators went to great lengths to say race was not a factor. They said the map was about partisan performance. They said it was about protecting Republican seats. They said Democrats were being targeted, not Black voters.
That sounds clean in a courtroom. But in Louisiana, everyone knows the relationship between race and party. Black voters overwhelmingly support Democratic candidates. White conservative voters overwhelmingly support Republican candidates. Consequently, when lawmakers say they are only targeting Democrats, Black voters know exactly what that means in practice.
The new suppression language is simple. Do not say Black voters — say Democrats. Do not say white political power — say Republican performance. Do not say racial dilution — say partisan advantage. That is how modern voter suppression dresses itself for court.
Furthermore, place the Legislature’s claim that race was not a factor next to the result: Louisiana has six congressional districts, Black residents make up about one-third of the population, and the new map leaves one clear majority-Black district. That result does not become fair just because lawmakers learned the right words.
We Were Arguing With the Wrong Words
This is where Black leadership has to be honest with itself.
The people who testified were not wrong to fight. They were not wrong to be angry. They were not wrong to defend the idea that Black people deserve fair representation. But too many of us used the wrong words.
After Callais, the argument cannot simply be “Give us a second Black district because we are Black.” That argument may be true in spirit. But it now invites the exact legal response the Legislature wants to give.
The better argument must be sharper. Instead of racial proportionality, argue this:
Do not fracture real communities to manufacture partisan power. Do not split voters with shared economic, educational, environmental, and cultural interests. Do not hide racial consequences behind partisan language. Do not use party as a legal mask for weakening Black political influence. Do not destroy communities of interest just because the Supreme Court handed you a cleaner vocabulary.
That is a stronger argument. It does not abandon Black political power. It protects it with better tools.
The New Language: Communities, Coalitions, and Power
Black voters need to stop walking into these hearings with only a racial proportionality argument. We need to talk about communities of interest. We need to talk about Baton Rouge and New Orleans sharing economic, educational, health-care, infrastructure, and public safety concerns. We need to talk about the River Parishes and environmental justice. We need to talk about working-class voters who need stronger wages, better schools, lower insurance costs, and cleaner government.
Moreover, we need to talk about college communities, renters, public employees, union households, health-care workers, and young voters — without giving away the racial truth. That is not weakness. That is strategy.
The old argument was: Louisiana is 33% Black, so give us two Black districts. The new argument must be: Louisiana’s map unlawfully fractures communities with shared interests and uses partisan language to weaken a multiracial coalition that could elect candidates responsive to those communities. That is harder to say. But it is much harder to dismiss.
One Black District Cannot Be the End of the Story
The new map leaves Louisiana with one clear Black opportunity district. That district matters. It must be protected, defended, organized, and strengthened. But one district cannot become the place where Louisiana stores all Black political power while the rest of the state moves on. That is political containment.
Black voters need a second strategy running beside the legal fight. Specifically, they must examine the new districts and find the one with the highest Black population outside the remaining majority-Black district. Then ask the practical question: Can Black voters form a winning coalition there with progressive whites, labor voters, young voters, moderate independents, students, women, renters, public employees, and disaffected Republicans?
That is the next battlefield. Not the district we wish existed. The district where math gives us a chance.
Build a Map War Room
Black Louisiana needs a congressional map war room. Not another press conference. Not another round of emotional statements. Not another one-day mobilization that disappears after the vote. A real war room.
That means precinct-level data — Black voting-age population, Democratic performance, white progressive vote share, turnout history, college precincts, union households, church networks, civic clubs, public employee clusters, neighborhood associations, environmental justice communities, candidate histories, and parish-by-parish turnout drop-off.
Every new district should be studied like a business deal. Where are the Black voters? Where are the persuadable voters? Where are the progressive whites? Where are the low-turnout precincts where a coalition can grow? Power does not come from being right. Power comes from knowing where the votes are and moving them.
Stop Waiting on Courts Alone
Lawsuits should come. Civil rights lawyers should challenge this map. Every statement, email, amendment, demographic effect, public comment, and legislative maneuver should be reviewed and preserved for litigation.
Nevertheless, Black Louisiana cannot wait on courts alone. Courts move slowly. Elections move quickly. Judges can change the rules. Legislatures can redraw maps. Ballots can be disrupted before voters understand what happened. Therefore, organizing must begin before litigation ends. The lawsuit is one lane. Political organizing is another. Black voters need both running simultaneously.
Recruit the Right Candidate for the Coalition District
If there is a reachable second district, the candidate matters enormously. That candidate cannot sound like a national Democrat reading a poll-tested script. The candidate must speak to Black voters without treating them like a campaign stop — and must also speak to working-class white voters without running away from Black issues.
That is not easy. It is necessary. The message should be built around power, fairness, cost of living, insurance, schools, jobs, health care, infrastructure, crime prevention, public corruption, and local control. Do not lead with guilt. Lead with shared stakes. Tell progressive whites and working-class voters the truth: if the state can weaken Black political power today, it can weaken labor power, women’s rights, environmental protection, and public education tomorrow. The attack on Black representation is not isolated. It is a test run.
What Black People Should Do Next
First, protect the remaining majority-Black district. Do not take it for granted. It must have strong turnout, strong candidate accountability, and strong civic engagement.
Second, identify the next strongest coalition district. Stop guessing. Use data. Find the district with the best combination of Black voters, progressive whites, students, union voters, and persuadable independents.
Third, build a voter registration plan immediately. Do not wait until qualifying. Do not wait until October. Start now.
Fourth, train people to testify differently. Moral testimony still matters. But it must be paired with legal language that survives the current Court — communities of interest, shared policy needs, compactness, parish splits, and unfair partisan manipulation.
Fifth, build a candidate pipeline. Do not wait for someone to announce. Identify credible candidates now and start building their infrastructure.
Sixth, fund the work. Outrage without money is not a strategy. Black institutions, labor, churches, civic groups, lawyers, business owners, and donors need to invest in this fight.
Seventh, use Black media. The public must understand what happened in plain language. Confusion protects the people who drew this map.
The Final Lesson
The Legislature told us race was not the issue. The result says otherwise.
But the lesson is not only that Louisiana Republicans are skilled at hiding race behind party. The lesson is also that Black Louisiana must sharpen its own strategy. We cannot keep walking into a post-Callais legal world with pre-Callais arguments.
So now the work changes. We defend Black power with better language. We build coalitions with better math. We litigate with better records. We organize with more discipline. We stop treating hearings like therapy and start treating them like battlefields where every word can be used for us or against us.
The people who drove to Baton Rouge deserve respect. They showed up. Now the next phase requires something more. We need to show up with strategy.
Langston Price writes political and economic analysis for Black Source Media every Sunday. He covers institutional accountability, Black economic power, and the decisions — and non-decisions — that shape life in New Orleans and Louisiana.
- Louisiana Legislature — SB121/Act 2, 2026 Regular Session. legis.la.gov
- NAACP Legal Defense Fund — Louisiana v. Callais FAQ. naacpldf.org
- SCOTUSblog — “Supreme Court strikes down redistricting map in Louisiana v. Callais,” April 29, 2026.
- NBC News — “Louisiana passes new congressional map, dismantling one majority-Black district,” May 2026.
Langston Price
Economic Analyst • Political Strategist • Sunday Contributor
Langston Price is an economic and political analyst whose Sunday columns for Black Source Media bring data-driven rigor to the questions that matter most for Black Louisiana. He writes at the intersection of economic analysis and political strategy — translating complex legislative, legal, and market forces into plain language that reveals who benefits, who loses, and why.
His analysis of Louisiana’s congressional redistricting in the wake of Louisiana v. Callais — examining the 5-1 vs. 6-0 map scenarios and their political consequences for Black communities in New Orleans and Baton Rouge — established Black Source Media as one of the most credible analytical voices on the 2026 redistricting fight in the state.
Price writes in a tradition that combines academic depth with lived experience, producing work that neither oversimplifies for accessibility nor obscures in jargon. His analysis is for Black Louisianans who want to understand the system as it actually operates — not as it is officially explained.
Selected Articles by Langston Price
Louisiana Redistricting After Callais: Will Black Voters in New Orleans and Baton Rouge Get the Memphis Treatment?
View All Articles by Langston Price at Black Source Media
Langston Price publishes every Sunday at blacksourcemedia.com
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Economic & Political Analyst — Black Source Media
Langston Price
Economic Analyst • Political Strategist • Sunday Contributor
Langston Price is an economic and political analyst whose Sunday columns for Black Source Media bring data-driven rigor to the questions that matter most for Black Louisiana. He writes at the intersection of economic analysis and political strategy — translating complex legislative, legal, and market forces into plain language that reveals who benefits, who loses, and why.
His analysis of Louisiana’s congressional redistricting in the wake of Louisiana v. Callais — examining the 5-1 vs. 6-0 map scenarios and their political consequences for Black communities in New Orleans and Baton Rouge — established Black Source Media as one of the most credible analytical voices on the 2026 redistricting fight in the state.
Price writes in a tradition that combines academic depth with lived experience, producing work that neither oversimplifies for accessibility nor obscures in jargon. His analysis is for Black Louisianans who want to understand the system as it actually operates — not as it is officially explained.
Selected Articles by Langston Price
Louisiana Redistricting After Callais: Will Black Voters in New Orleans and Baton Rouge Get the Memphis Treatment?
View All Articles by Langston Price at Black Source Media
Langston Price publishes every Sunday at blacksourcemedia.com